Major Problems in Mexican American History by Zaragosa Vargas :: American Citizenship Equality History Essays

Major Problems in Mexican American History by Zaragosa Vargas Vendidos or the sold out ones by Luis Valdez is an enlightening film about the Mexican struggle for survival in the United States. It is thought provoking and challenges the viewer to question some of the history and values that American education has engrained into our lifestyle. Although, the film is only about twenty-five minutes long, it is packed with symbolism and information about the Mexican history in the US. In particular, the film explores the Mexican identity issue. The film opens with Amano Sancho who invites us to look at his shop when Ms. Jiminez walks into the door looking for the perfect Mexican model to take to a governor’s dinner. Sancho is excited to see a Chicana in his store but when he pronounces her name in Spanish she is quick to correct him. Ms. Jiminez she responds in an English accent. This scene has a lot of meaning because we gather that she was assimilated to the Anglo culture. She does not want to associate with her Mexican roots. She insists on being a proper American representative, but she is looking for a Mexican model during her lunch break. She presents Sancho with some stipulations he must be a Mexican she states, "But this one is too dark. I’m looking for a beige one." This is yet another indicator of the detachment Ms. Jimenez has from her culture. I believe she wants a light Mexican so that he can he can be versatile and mix in with the crowds. In Major Problems in Mexican American History by Zaragosa Vargas, we learn that Mexicans struggled to be considered American citizens. Even with the seizure of their lands and the Treaty of Guadeloupe Hidalgo Mexicans were still mistreated and abused simply because of the color of their skin. Mexicans learned that it was in their best interest to try to adapt to a new environment. As a result many tried to marry Spanish men or marry men of a higher social-economic status. There is a belief that white means money, so if you can’t marry a well-off man than you must lighten the race. Ms. Jimenez in Los Vendidos, was a light woman herself and made the transition into the white world a lot easier than one of her darker ancestors perhaps. When Sancho states that she likes a little milk in her coffee he is not only referring to the lightening of the race, but he also talks about her admiration of the American culture.

Naturalistic Observation of Social Interaction

Naturalistic observation is a form of data collection where the researcher assumes the role of an observer, which may be participative or non-participative (Gonnerman, 2007). Either way, this method aims to make studies on organisms’ (i.e. human) behaviors in their natural environment, unhindered by control parameters that studies in a laboratory, for example, impose. It is understandable that human beings, just like other organisms, act differently under the watchful eye of any observer, most especially due to self-consciousness. However, it is also understood that even as we are not under scrutiny (there is an absence of outside scrutiny), in the external environment, in a world beyond our own comfort zone, we still experience a â€Å"feeling of being watched†, or the so-called spotlight effect. Hence, naturalistic observation does not guarantee the absence of behavioral alteration, and the best that could probably be hoped for is a decrease in such that may lead to objective conclusions. In this project, the researcher—myself—chose to make behavioral observations on subjects who are unaware that they are being observed, in the hopes of avoiding possible alterations in their behavior pattern. The setting is the department store, where two girls are shopping for clothes. The behaviors observed during the first twenty minutes are that Girl One is phlegmatic and submissive, in her attempt to avoid conflict; while Girl Two is demanding. A hypothesis, therefore, was made that Girl Two would speak more often and in a louder voice than Girl One. The results of the second observation, however, show that Girl Two spoke more often but in hushed tones, and Girl Two was the one who spoke less but in a louder voice. It is therefore concluded that the hypothesis is wrong, and that human behavior could not be readily predicted, only justified. Naturalistic Observation of Social Interaction I observed a conversation between two girls shopping for clothes on [please insert time and date of â€Å"observation†]. We are at a department store [should the client wish to insert a particular department store, please do so], standing amid racks of clothing. One has dark hair cropped short near her chin; she was wearing a plain, light-blue, long-sleeved shirt, whom I shall refer to as Girl One. The other girl, Girl Two, has curly, shoulder-length, brown hair, and she was wearing a pink sleeveless shirt with a butterfly embroidered across the chest. There are only a few people about, including myself and the sales lady. Girl Two picks up a purple sleeveless dress with gray stripes and holds it against herself for her friend to see.   Girl One circles around the clothes racks, but does not pick any item out. Girl One slowly turns back around when Girl Two calls her. Girl One goes with Girl Two to the dressing room; Girl One waits outside, leaning on the wall with her feet stretched out in front of her as Girl Two takes her time inside the dressing room. When Girl Two emerges from the dressing room, Girl One looks at her from head to toe and nods her head. All of this takes place during the first ten minutes of the observation. During the second ten minutes, the conversation went like this: Girl One: â€Å"The dress looks okay, you should buy it.† Girl Two: â€Å"Are you sure? Or are you just telling me that so we can go now?† Girl One: â€Å"No I’m not. Come on, just buy it.† Girl Two: â€Å"You wouldn’t be pushing me into buying this if it was alright with you to go shopping. You shouldn’t have come.† Girl One: â€Å"Alright, maybe you’re right. I wanna go now but I don’t wanna spoil your fun so just get on with it and take all your time if need be.† Girl Two: â€Å"Alright then, just let me choose another dress to compare with this one and we’ll go.† Girl One: â€Å"Sure, whatever.† Based on the narrated observations, I have reached a possible hypothesis that one of the girls, Girl Two is probably a demanding sort of person, a domineering persona who can manipulate people like Girl One into doing what she wants. A parallel hypothesis is that Girl Two is a phlegmatic, and slightly submissive persona who simply does not want to be bothered or does not want any conflict, and so goes along with whatever Girl One asks of her. In line with this, I decided to gather observation that would enable me to determine which of the girls would eventually become more exasperated by the other and raise her voice more often, and this girl would be Girl Two, with the demanding character. The parameters I used are of course the number of times that the subject spoke, and the number of times the voice was raised within the 20 minutes of observation. I followed the girls two their next destination which was a coffee shop, bringing with me a few of my friends to cover me. We sat on the booth next to them, and I proceeded with my 20-minute observation. Based on my notes, Girl Two spoke more often, having used eight opportunities to talk in twenty minutes, whereas Girl One spoke less often, speaking only three times within the time span. However, Girl One raised her voice at all speaking opportunities, while Girl Two never raised her voice and spoke in a lowered voice. I therefore conclude that the hypothesis is wrong—Girl Two, even with her demanding personality, did not raise her voice, and did not seem exasperated by Girl One’s passive attitude. Instead, it was Girl One who got â€Å"fed up†. The exercise was extremely challenging because first and foremost, I had to pretend that I did not exist. Or at least, assume a role that did not directly participate in their world. In other words, it was as if I was stalking them or spying on them. I had to persuade my friends to come with me and serve as my â€Å"cover†. I was also nervous because if I did not do well with pretending I was also looking at the dresses, or recording some descriptions about the clothes in my notebook and not about them, I probably would be blacklisted in that department store. It was challenging also, to keep my mind off formulating biased opinions; I had to concentrate on being the â€Å"unattached† social scientist role. One insight I have learned is that even some personalities that seem to clash all the time somehow complement each other and form what they call a â€Å"love-hate† relationship that defies all odds and expectations. And another is that human behavior, although inferences may be made out of them, can never be truly predicted by an outside observer because there are other factors to consider than the setting, and whatever is in the natural environment of observation at that point in time. One has to consider what happened before the trip to the mall which upset Girl One so greatly, so much so that she belied expectations. Through this exercise, I have learned that nonverbal behavior is hard to observe and describe without biases, or forming opinions about them. However, when I do try to formulate opinions, I find that nonverbal behavior gives an insight into what the subject may be thinking as much the same way as verbal behavior would. Either way, human behavior can never be predicted; we can only understand the why’s and how’s surrounding a certain action and reaction. Reference Gonnerman (2007). Surveys and Naturalistic Observation. Retrieved February 9 2008 from http:// fp.uni.edu (2007)

Child Hood Essay

Today, childhood is seen as a universal rite of passage. Much of our literature consists of coming of age stories that focus on the journey from innocence to experience. Childhood marks the beginning of our personal narrative. We all have our stories of youth. Some percolate in the haze of memory; others are told and retold over the years. These stories—sad, humorous, painful—shape us. They make us who we are.Inspired by the growing popularity of collecting and recording our stories, students will interview an older family member about a single significant childhood memory, imagine specific details of the story, and then use one or a variety of media text types to present the story to the class. In doing so, students discover intergenerational links through the common universal experience of childhood. Students begin by interviewing a parent (or other older relative) about a childhood memory, collecting enough details to help them recreate the story vividly for an audie nce.In small groups, students share information and project ideas, with a view to re-telling the story through one or a combination of the following: print text (e. g. write a story from the parent’s point of view), visual text (e. g. memory scrapbook), digital text (e. g. Web page, graphic reproduction), audiovisual text (e. g. PowerPoint presentation with music), or oral presentation (e. g. monologue in the voice of the parent). Students should be encouraged to use whatever high- or low-tech tools they are comfortable with.This activity affords students the opportunity to discover and learn about the codes and conventions of their chosen media text type in order to successfully apply them to their own production. By re-creating an older family member’s story for an audience, students participate in the writing of the family history, making it less ephemeral and embedding it in time. Connecting with their parent or grandparent through a particular memory also allows s tudents to view childhood as a universal rite of passage, one that connects successive generations of their family to the family tree of humanity.A follow-up ELA activity could invite students to use their imagination to develop a story of their own, inspired by events from their own childhood: How would they tell the story to their grandchildren? Students could create a class anthology of their stories or their parents’. In Social Sciences, students could interview a parent or older relative about the social/cultural/historical time in which he or she lived as a child and create a poster depicting it

Maximazing Profit Essays

Maximazing Profit Essays Maximazing Profit Paper Maximazing Profit Paper Assignment: Maximizing Profits in Market Structures Paper XECO/212 University of Phoenix The structure of a market is defined by the number of firms in the market, the existence or otherwise of barriers to entry of new firms, and the interdependence among firms in determining pricing and output to maximize profits. This paper covers the following: the advantages and limitation of supply and demand, the characteristics of each market structure, the barriers to entry and how organizations in each market structure maximize profits. Markets are the heart and soul of a capitalist economy, and varying degrees of competition lead to different market structures, with differing implications for the outcomes of the market place. The goal of a firm is to maximize profits, to get as much for the firm as possible. In the perfect competition, each firm maximizes profits where marginal revenue (MR) equals marginal cost (MC). That is, the additional revenue from producing additional quantity equals the additional cost incurred in producing that quantity. At an output where MR is greater than MC, increasing production increases profits. If MR is less than MC, decreasing production increases profits. Therefore, MR=MC is the profit-maximization condition. In perfect completion, the price is a given for each firm, P=MR. This is because the fixed price per unit is the additional revenue the firm can expect to earn by selling additional quantity. The firm’s profit- maximization condition becomes P=MR=MC. In the long run, however, all costs are variable. All firms in a perfectly competitive market make zero economic profit in the long run, because if profit was being made, more firms would enter the market and market prices would decline until all firms made zero profit. These elements are perfect competition, monopolistic competition, oligopoly,  and monopoly. Based on the differing outcomes of different market structures, economists consider some market structures more desirable, from the point of view of the society, than others. Each of these market structures describe a particular organization of a market in which ertain key characteristics differ. The characteristics are: (a) number of firms in the market, (b) control over the price of the relevant product, (c) type of the product sold in the market, (d) barriers to new firms entering the market, and (e) existence of non-price competition in the market. The number of firms in the market supplying the particular product under consideration forms an important basis for classify ing market structures. The number of firms in an industry, according to economists, determines the extent of competition in the industry. Both in perfect competition and monopolistic competition, there are large numbers of firms or suppliers. Each of these firms supplies only a small portion of the total output for the industry. In oligopoly, there are only a few (presumably more than two) suppliers of the product. When there are only two sellers of the product, the market structure is often called duopoly. Monopoly is the extreme case where there is only one seller of the product in the market. The extent to which an individual firm exercises control over the price of the product it sells is another important characteristic of a market structure. Under perfect competition, an individual firm has no control over the price of the product it sells. A firm under monopolistic competition or oligopoly has some control over the price of the product it sells. Finally, a monopoly firm is deemed to have considerable control over the price of its product. The type of products sold in the market is also a key characteristic. The extent to which products of different firms in the industry can be differentiated is also a characteristic that is used in classifying market structures. Under perfect competition, all firms in the industry sell identical products. In other words, no firm can differentiate its product from those of other firms in the industry. There is some product differentiation under monopolistic competition- the firms in the industry are assumed to produce somewhat different products. Under an oligopolistic market structure, firms may produce differentiated or identical products. Finally, in the case of a monopoly, product differentiation is not truly an issue, as there is only one firm- there are no other firms from whom it should differentiate its product. The barriers to entry need to be accounted for while classifying the characteristics of a market structure. The difficulty or ease with which new firms can enter the market for a product is also a characteristic of market structures. New firms can enter market structures classified as perfect competition or monopolistic competition relatively easily. In these cases, barriers to entry are considered low, as only a small investment may be required to enter the market. In oligopoly, barriers to entry is considered very high- huge amounts of investment, determined by the very nature of the product and the production process, are needed to enter these markets. Once again, monopoly constitutes the extreme case where the entry of new firms is blocked, usually by law. If for whatever reasons, new firms are allowed to enter a monopolistic market structure, it can no longer be termed a monopoly. Market structures also differ to the extent that firms in industry compete with each other on the basis of non-price factors, such as, differences in product characteristics and advertising. There is no non-price competition under perfect competition. Firms under monopolistic competition make considerable use of instruments of non-price competition. Oligopolistic firms also make heavy use of non-price competition. Finally, while a monopolist also utilizes instruments of non-price competition, such as advertising, these are not designed to compete with other firms, as there are no other firms in the monopolists industry. Perfect competition is an idealized version of market structure that provides a foundation for understanding how markets work in a capitalist economy. The other market structures can also be understood better when perfect competition is used as a standard of reference. Even so, perfect competition is not ordinarily well understood by the general public. For example, when business people speak of intense competition in the market for a product, they are, in all likelihood, referring to rival suppliers, about whom they have quite a bit of information. However, when economists refer to perfect competition, they are particularly referring to the impersonal nature of this market structure. The impersonality of the market organization is due to the existence of a large number of suppliers of the product- there are so many suppliers in the industry that no firm views another supplier as a competitor. Thus, the competition under perfect competition is impersonal. Perfect competition is considered desirable for society for at least two reasons. First, the price charged to individuals equals the marginal cost of production to each firm. In other words, one can say sellers charge buyers a reasonable or fair price. Second, in general, output produced under a perfectly competitive market structure is larger than other market organizations. Thus, perfect competition becomes desirable also for the amount of the product supplied to consumers as a whole. Monopoly can be considered the opposite of perfect competition. In the monopoly, there are no price takers a monopolist sets the price for the product or service to maximize profits. The profit-maximizing price and output is at the point where MC=MR. The output is less than what it is in the perfect competition. In the long run, it is possible for a monopolist to earn some economic profits, if to entry of new firms exist. The concept of monopoly arises when one firm is the sole producer and marketer of a product or service. Monopolies come in being when a single firm is the sole producer of a product that has no close substitutes. Monopolies are characterized by a single seller, no close substitutes, price maker, blocked entry and non price competition. In the oligopoly, there are few firms, pricing and output decisions are strategic; that is each firm considers the reaction of the other firms while taking any decision. An important characteristic of an oligopolistic market structure is the interdependence of firms in the industry. The interdependence, actual or perceived, arises from the small number of firms in the industry. If an oligopolistic firm changes its price or output, it has perceptible effects on the sales and profits of its competitors in the industry. Thus, an oligopolist firm always considers the reactions of its rivals in formulating its pricing or output decisions. The prices set by all firms are nearly identical, because any effort to change the price by one firm will induce other firms to follow suit. For this reason, prices, once fixed, tend to change very little in oligopoly. Firms in oligopoly can expect to make some profit in the long run. An oligopolistic industry is also typically characterized by economies of scale. Economies of scale in production imply that as the level of production rises, the cost per unit of product falls for the use of any plant. Thus, economies of scale lead to an obvious advantage for a large producer. In the monopolistic competition, there are many buyers and sellers, and there are few barriers to the entry of new firms. Each firm, however, sells differentiated products, and invests considerably in differentiating it products from the competition. The profits of each are maximized at the point where MR=MC. In the long run, however, the free entry and exit of firms means that all firms earn zero economic profit. As in the case of perfect competition, a firm under monopolistic competition decides about the quantity of the product produced on the basis of the profit maximization principle- it produces the quantity that maximizes the firms profit. Also, conditions of profit maximization remain the same- the firm stops production where marginal revenue equals marginal cost of production. But unlike perfect competition, a firm under monopolistic competition has some control over the price it charges, as the firm differentiates its products from those of others. However, this price making power of a monopolistically competitive firm is rather small, since there are a large number of other firms in the industry with somewhat similar products. REFERENCE Colander, D. C. , (2004). Economics, 5th edition. Irwin/McGraw-Hill, Burr Ridge, Il. Chapter 13. Retrieved November 23, 2009. Forgang, William G. , Einolf, Karl W. (2006). Management Economics: An Accelerated Approach. M. E. Sharpe Competition (2007). Encyclopedia of Business, 2nd Edition. Retrieved on November 23, 2009 from Encyclopedia of Business, Clo-con website: referenceforbusiness. com/encyclopedia/Clo-Con/Competition. html

Free Essays on Winter Visitors

As winter approaches, many elderly â€Å"snowbirds† have returned to Florida to enjoy the mild weather. Because of several â€Å"close encounters† with elderly drivers who were driving erratically, the writer wished to discover if those individuals have more accidents than do their younger counterparts. A casual review of the literature shows that older drivers become more crash-prone with age, even though they drive less miles. In addition, because older drivers are more fragile, their fatality rates are 17 times higher than those of 25- to 64-year olds. The problem at hand is the high accident and death rate associated with a large population of elderly drivers. Last year, a woman sitting in the nail salon, enjoying a refreshing manicure looked up to see a bright red Cadillac coming through the shop window, stopping just short of a startled patron. Fortunately, no one was injured. The newspaper report of this incident stated that the 87 year old driver was in a hurry to get to her appointment, and drove into the parking lot at an excessive speed. When she thought she was putting her foot on the brake, she actually stepped on the accelerator and drove through the window. The newspaper also stated that this was not an uncommon cause of similar accidents- thinking that the accelerator pedal was the brake pedal. America is undergoing a major demographic transformation. The â€Å" graying of America† has resulted in an increase in the number of elderly drivers. Drivers over 70 years of age number 18 million today, up from 13 million in 1985. Why do these very experienced drives have such an excessive number of accidents? Although driving seems an easy activity, it actually requires the complex coordination of many different skills. Sometimes, when elderly drivers are the ones behind the wheel, this coordination is hard to accomplish. Older drivers experience physical changes that can affect driving ability such as: changes in v... Free Essays on Winter Visitors Free Essays on Winter Visitors As winter approaches, many elderly â€Å"snowbirds† have returned to Florida to enjoy the mild weather. Because of several â€Å"close encounters† with elderly drivers who were driving erratically, the writer wished to discover if those individuals have more accidents than do their younger counterparts. A casual review of the literature shows that older drivers become more crash-prone with age, even though they drive less miles. In addition, because older drivers are more fragile, their fatality rates are 17 times higher than those of 25- to 64-year olds. The problem at hand is the high accident and death rate associated with a large population of elderly drivers. Last year, a woman sitting in the nail salon, enjoying a refreshing manicure looked up to see a bright red Cadillac coming through the shop window, stopping just short of a startled patron. Fortunately, no one was injured. The newspaper report of this incident stated that the 87 year old driver was in a hurry to get to her appointment, and drove into the parking lot at an excessive speed. When she thought she was putting her foot on the brake, she actually stepped on the accelerator and drove through the window. The newspaper also stated that this was not an uncommon cause of similar accidents- thinking that the accelerator pedal was the brake pedal. America is undergoing a major demographic transformation. The â€Å" graying of America† has resulted in an increase in the number of elderly drivers. Drivers over 70 years of age number 18 million today, up from 13 million in 1985. Why do these very experienced drives have such an excessive number of accidents? Although driving seems an easy activity, it actually requires the complex coordination of many different skills. Sometimes, when elderly drivers are the ones behind the wheel, this coordination is hard to accomplish. Older drivers experience physical changes that can affect driving ability such as: changes in v...

The Domestication History of Cotton (Gossypium)

The Domestication History of Cotton (Gossypium) Cotton (Gossypium sp.) is one of the most important and earliest domesticated non-food crops in the world. Used primarily for its fiber, cotton was domesticated independently in both the Old and New Worlds. The word cotton originated from the Arabic term al qutn, which became in Spanish algodà ³n and cotton in English. Key Takeaways: Domestication of Cotton Cotton is one of the earliest domesticated non-food crops, independently domesticated at least four different times in four different parts of the world.  The first cotton domesticate was from the wild tree form in Pakistan or Madagascar at least 6,000 years ago; the next oldest was domesticated in Mexico about 5,000 years ago.  Cotton processing, taking the cotton bolls and making them into fibers, is a global technique; spinning those fibers into strings for weaving was anciently accomplished by the use of spindle whorls in the New World and spinning wheels in the Old World.   Nearly all the cotton produced in the world today is the New World species Gossypium hirsutum, but before the 19th century, several species were grown on different continents. The four domesticated Gossypium species of the Malvaceae family are G. arboreum L., domesticated in the Indus Valley of Pakistan and India; G. herbaceum L. from Arabia and Syria; G. hirsutum from Mesoamerica; and G. barbadense from South America. All four domestic species and their wild relatives are shrubs or small trees which are traditionally grown as summer crops; domesticated versions are highly drought- and salt-tolerant crops that grow well in marginal, arid environments. Old World cotton has short, coarse, weak fibers that are today primarily used for stuffing and quilt making; New World cotton has higher production demands but provides longer and stronger fibers and higher yields. Making Cotton Wild cotton is photo-period sensitivein other words, the plant begins to germinate when the day length reaches a certain point. Wild cotton plants are perennial and their form is sprawling. Domestic versions are short, compact annual shrubs which do not respond to changes in day lengththats an advantage if the plant grows in places with cool winters because both wild and domestic kinds of cotton are frost-intolerant. Cotton fruits are capsules or bolls which contain several seeds covered by two kinds of fiber: short ones called fuzz and long ones called lint. Only the lint fibers are useful for making textiles, and the domestic plants have larger seeds covered with comparatively abundant lint. Cotton is traditionally harvested by hand, and then the cotton is ginnedprocessed to separate the seeds from the fiber. After the ginning process, the cotton fibers are batted with a wooden bow to make them more flexible and carded with a hand comb to separate the fibers before spinning. Spinning twists the individual fibers into a yarn, which can be completed by hand with a spindle and spindle whorl (in the New World) or with a spinning wheel (developed in the Old World). Old World Cotton Cotton was first domesticated in the Old World about 7,000 years ago; the earliest archaeological evidence for cotton use is from the Neolithic occupation of Mehrgarh, in the Kachi Plain of Balochistan, Pakistan, in the sixth millennium BC. Cultivation of G. arboreum began in the Indus Valley of India and Pakistan, and then eventually spread over Africa and Asia, whereas G. herbaceum was first cultivated in Arabia and Syria. The two main species, G. arboreum and G. herbaceum, are genetically very different and probably diverged well before domestication. Specialists agree that the wild progenitor of G. herbaceum was an African species, whereas the ancestor of G. arboreum is still unknown. Regions of the possible origin of the G. arboreum wild progenitor are likely Madagascar or the Indus Valley, where the most ancient evidence for cultivated cotton has been found. Gossypium arboreum Abundant archaeological evidence exists for the initial domestication and use of G. arboreum, by the Harappan (aka Indus Valley) civilization in Pakistan. Mehrgarh, the earliest agricultural village in the Indus Valley, holds multiple lines of evidence of cotton seeds and fibers beginning about 6000 BP. At Mohenjo-Daro, fragments of cloth and cotton textiles have been dated to the fourth millennium BCE, and archaeologists agree that most of the trade that made the city grow was based on cotton exportation. Raw material and finished cloth were exported from South Asia into Dhuweila in eastern Jordan by 6450–5000 years ago, and to Maikop (Majkop or Maykop) in the northern Caucasus by 6000 BP. Cotton fabric has been found at Nimrud in Iraq (8th–7th centuries BCE), Arjan in Iran (late 7th–early 6th centuries BCE) and Kerameikos in Greece (5th century BCE). According to Assyrian records of Sennacherib (705–681 BCE), cotton was grown in the royal botanical gardens at Nineveh, but cool winters there would have made large-scale production impossible. Because G. arboreum is a tropical and subtropical plant, cotton agriculture did not spread outside the Indian subcontinent until thousands of years after its domestication. Cotton cultivation is first seen in the Persian Gulf at Qalat al-Bahrain (ca 600–400 BCE), and in North Africa at Qasr Ibrim, Kellis and al-Zerqa between the 1st and 4th centuries CE. Recent investigations at Karatepe in Uzbekistan have found cotton production dated between ca. 300–500 CE. G. arboreum is thought to have been introduced into China as an ornamental plant about 1,000 years ago. Cotton may have been grown in the Xinjiang (China) province cities of Turfan and Khotan by the 8th century CE. Cotton was finally adapted to grow in more temperate climates by the Islamic Agricultural Revolution, and between 900–1000 CE, a boom in cotton production spread into Persia, Southwest Asia, North Africa and the Mediterranean Basin. Gossypium herbaceum G. herbaceum is much less well-known than G. arboreum. Traditionally it is known to grow in African open forests and grasslands. Characteristics of its wild species are a taller plant, compared to the domesticated shrubs, smaller fruit, and thicker seed coats. Unfortunately, no clear domesticated remains of G. herbaceum have been recovered from archaeological contexts. However, the distribution of its closest wild progenitor suggests a northward distribution toward North Africa, and the Near East. New World Cotton Among the American species, G. hirsutum was apparently cultivated first in Mexico, and G. barbadense later in Peru. However, a minority of researchers believe, alternatively, that the earliest type of cotton was introduced into Mesoamerica as an already domesticated form of G. barbadense from coastal Ecuador and Peru. Whichever story ends up to be correct, cotton was one of the first non-food plants domesticated by the prehistoric inhabitants of the Americas. In the Central Andes, especially in the north and central coasts of Peru, cotton was part of a fishing economy and a marine-based lifestyle. People used cotton to make fishing nets and other textiles. Cotton remains have been recovered in many sites on the coast especially in residential middens. Gossypium hirsutum (Upland cotton) The oldest evidence of Gossypium hirsutum in Mesoamerica comes from the Tehuacan valley and has been dated between 3400 and 2300 BCE. In different caves of the region, archaeologists affiliated to the project of Richard MacNeish found remains of fully domesticated examples of this cotton. Recent studies have compared bolls and cotton seeds retrieved from excavations in Guila Naquitz Cave, Oaxaca, with living examples of wild and cultivated G. hirsutum punctatum growing along the east coast of Mexico. Additional genetic studies (Coppens dEeckenbrugge and Lacape 2014) support the earlier results, indicating that G. hirsutum was likely originally domesticated in the Yucatn Peninsula. Another possible center of domestication for G. hirsutum is the Caribbean. In different eras and among different Mesoamerican cultures, cotton was a highly demanded good and a precious exchange item. Maya and Aztec merchants traded cotton for other luxury items, and nobles adorned themselves with woven and dyed mantles of the precious material. Aztec kings often offered cotton products to noble visitors as gifts and to army leaders as payment. Gossypium barbadense (Pima cotton) G. barbadense cultivars are known for their production of high-quality fiber and called variously Pima, Egyptian, or Sea Island cotton. The first clear evidence of domesticated Pima cotton comes from the Ancà ³n-Chillà ³n area of the central coast of Peru. The sites in this area show the domestication process began during the Preceramic period, beginning about 2500 BCE. By 1000 BCE the size and shape of Peruvian cotton bolls were indistinguishable from todays modern cultivars of G. barbadense. Cotton production began on the coasts, but eventually moved inland, facilitated by the construction of canal irrigation. By the Initial Period, sites such as Huaca Prieta contained domestic cotton 1,500 to 1,000 years before pottery and maize cultivation. Unlike in the old world, cotton in Peru was initially part of subsistence practices, used for fishing and hunting nets, as well as textiles, clothing and storage bags. Sources Bouchaud, Charlà ¨ne, Margareta Tengberg, and Patricia Dal Pr. Cotton Cultivation and Textile Production in the Arabian Peninsula During Antiquity; the Evidence from Madà ¢Ã¢â‚¬â„¢in Sà ¢lih (Saudi Arabia) and Qal’at Al-Bahrain (Bahrain). Vegetation History and Archaeobotany 20.5 (2011): 405–17. Print.Brite, Elizabeth Baker, and John M. Marston. Environmental Change, Agricultural Innovation, and the Spread of Cotton Agriculture in the Old World. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 32.1 (2013): 39–53. Print.Coppens dEeckenbrugge, Geo, and Jean–Marc Lacape. Distribution and Differentiation of Wild, Feral, and Cultivated Populations of Perennial Upland Cotton ( PLoS ONE 9.9 (2014): e107458. Print.Gossypium hirsutum L.) in Mesoamerica and the Caribbean.Du, Xiongming, et al. Resequencing of 243 Diploid Cotton Accessions Based on an Updated a Genome Identifies the Genetic Basis of Key Agronomic Traits. Nature Genetics 50.6 (2018): 796–802. Print.Mou lherat, Christophe, et al. First Evidence of Cotton at Neolithic Mehrgarh, Pakistan: Analysis of Mineralized Fibres from a Copper Bead. Journal of Archaeological Science 29.12 (2002): 1393–401. Print. Nixon, Sam, Mary Murray, and Dorian Fuller. Plant Use at an Early Islamic Merchant Town in the West African Sahel: The Archaeobotany of Essouk–Tadmakka (Mali). Vegetation History and Archaeobotany 20.3 (2011): 223–39. Print.Reddy, Umesh K., et al. Genome-Wide Divergence, Haplotype Distribution and Population Demographic Histories for Gossypium Hirsutum and Gossypium Barbadense as Revealed by Genome–Anchored SNPs. Scientific Reports 7 (2017): 41285. Print.Renny–Byfield, Simon, et al. Independent Domestication of Two Old World Cotton Species. Genome Biology and Evolution 8.6 (2016): 1940–47. Print.Wang, Maojun, et al. Asymmetric Subgenome Selection and Cis-Regulatory Divergence During Cotton Domestication. Nature Genetics 49 (2017): 579. Print.Zhang, Shu–Wen, et al. Mapping of Fiber Quality Qtls Reveals Useful Variation and Footprints of Cotton Domestication Using Introgression Lines. Scientific Reports 6 (2016): 31954. Print. Updated by K. Kris Hirst

Prophet Mohammed Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2500 words

Prophet Mohammed - Essay Example Many are the times that the grandfather was escorted by Mohammed on official duties in the temple. The lonely life of a Sheppard that Mohammed led to the nurturing of the skills required in leading the life of a prophet. In addition, the environment in his early life provided him with the skill set fit to lead and guide people. The reason as to why Mohammed took on prophecy is a blur but at the time, the town of Mecca was filled with many nomadic. These tribes were rivals with each other and they had their own gods and beliefs. This religious diversity at the time was the root of all enmity. At forty years old, Mohammed aspired to become a reformer and hence assumed leadership of a secret society. This organizations goal was to ensure unity in terms of religion and politics among the Arabs. He had come to the realization that with unity comes power. After seeking insight from the Jews and Christians, Mohammed determined that one supreme God was key to achieving his goal of unity amon g the Arabs. After conviction of his call to prophesy, this secret society with its own rules whereby they prayed to one supreme God grew exponentially and is otherwise known as Islam (Margoliouth 86). Mohammed as a prophet had a lot of accomplishments in his time. Hence, he is perceived as one of the greatest people in the Muslim community. He is the founder of the Islamic religion. At a time when there were numerous religious groups each having their own gods among the Arabic people, Mohammed was able to unite the Arabs by forming a secret society. This secret society later became publicized and became the Islamic community. Islam spread out exponentially throughout Mecca whereby they spread the ideology of worshipping and praying to one supreme God. Islam has become a way of life in our society among the Muslim community. It has lead to the peaceful coexistence of people due. This is because Islam gives an individual a sense of inner peace, which results to one having peace of mi nd. The Islamic religion preaches the need to have peaceful relation people of different ethnicities and religious backgrounds. This, as a result, promotes world peace. Islam is also seen to promote peace between an individual and his creator. This paves way for having a blessed life free from sin. Islamic religion is also important because it advocates for submission to God’s will. Submitting to God’s will translate to submitting to God, which is the reason to the founding of the Islamic religion. The Islamic religion and culture supports the union in marriage between Muslims in the society. It is God’s will that man and woman join together in the bond of marriage; the Islamic religion is seen to fulfill this will of God by supporting marriage. It also provides guidance to married couples, which promote long lasting relationships. Above all traits, Islam has promoted unity among people. This unity has come to realization as a result of Islam spreading the messa ge of peace throughout. This has paid off owing to the fact that Islam has spread widely to all corners of the world. Hence, Muslims have been able to coexist peacefully with other religious groups promoting world peace (murata and Chittick 125). Mohammed had become the leader of a vast community; Islam looked up to him for guidance. With Islam becoming a religion that spread vastly throughout the world, there arose the need to create a distinguished place whereby the Islamic